Thursday, May 2, 2024

「縣城婆羅門」:中西部縣城經濟存量有限,第二代繼承人優勢明顯--县城婆罗门、刹帝利成为了工业化和现代化的最大阻力

「縣城婆羅門」:中西部縣城經濟存量有限,第二代繼承人優勢明顯


原創 知識萬象 2024-05-01 14:08 北京

核心要點:


1. 「縣城婆羅門」是大眾對縣城內掌握特殊資源和利益群體的標籤化理解,一些縣城精英的關係圈裡,有醫院院長、學校校長、政府領導等熟人關係,他們之間的人情來往 和利益交換已經日常化了。 在經濟存量有限的縣城裡,菁英的優勢就再明顯不過了。

2. 「縣城婆羅門」的出現,反映了長期以來縣城的資源量體和配置規則,無法適應目前縣城的功能定位。 從客觀上來講,這種現象並不是導致縣城經濟利益分配不均的原因,而是一個結果的體現,縣城還需要長時間的過渡和轉型。

3. 許多大城市白領雖然羨慕,但也不會輕易選擇回到縣城,因為他們回到縣城反而沒有了優勢,並且他們長期適應了大城市的生活方式和社會交往規則,與小縣城熟人關係 、人情交往的規範存在一定的張力。 所以,有一些返鄉的大城市白領明顯表現出不適應。



「縣城婆羅門」是網路上的熱門詞,形容的是縣城存在這樣一個群體,他們依靠家族力量進入機關或國有壟斷行業,積累了豐富的資源,而這些資源又在代際之間進行傳遞。

和“縣城婆羅門”相關的詞還有“公務員經濟”和“小鎮貴婦”,形容的都是縣域經濟生活和社會交往狀態。

為什麼這些字會流行? 背後深層的原因是什麼? 對縣域社會的發展是好是壞?

武漢大學社會學院博士生、中國鄉村治理研究中心研究員雒珊長期關注縣域經濟與縣城發展。

以下是雒珊的敘述。


“縣城婆羅門”

「縣城婆羅門」這個主題是大眾對縣城內掌握特殊資源和利益的群體的標籤化理解,代表了近年來一些網路現象引發的社會情緒。

在大眾的視角裡,這群人主要是指縣城內實際上壟斷資源並且便於進行二代繼承的群體,一是包括體制內的醫師公群體,二是包括銀行、煙草、高速,帶有壟斷性質 的行業,三是包括縣城其他私營行業頭部商人群。

我們在中西部縣城研究時發現,縣城裡的確存在一部分精英更容易佔有縣城不同領域的優勢資源,不僅是自己所處的行業,其他領域的優勢資源也能透過各種關係的交換獲得。


例如在縣城做生意的頭部商人,他們是土生土長的本地人,各種優勢在長期的縣城生活中不斷疊加和強化,就形成了對縣域優勢資源的壟斷。

這類商人在縣市經營多年,已經建立起了強大的社會關係網,連政府部門也難免有著親戚關係、熟人關係。 這種頭部商人通常還有政治參與的身份,他們的市場利益就比較依賴與地方政府的互動和社會關係的運作,這種產業內的資源和優勢也方便繼承給子代。

不過,透過我們的研究和觀察發現,實際上,無論是縣城體制內還是商人精英,他們的子代並不是都留在了縣城直接繼承他們的資源,也並不一定選擇與他們一樣的行業,大 部分還是獲得了高學歷進入大城市成為職業精英。


例如某縣委局長的兒子實際上在上海現在的科技大廠企業,一政府部門幹部的女兒進入了北京的互聯網企業,其他行業精英的子女大多都在一二線城市。


縣城菁英關係圈

在我看來,「縣城婆羅門」是一種標籤化和情緒化的表達,反映出大眾對這一現象的社會情緒,但背後可能忽略了對中西部縣域經濟性質和社會運作特徵的理解。 實際上,這種現象的確存在,但普遍性和嚴重性仍有待評估。

經過改革開放四十多年,中國的經濟發展取得了矚目的成就,但在區域上發展不平衡。 大多數中西部縣城還是農業縣,工業基礎薄弱,農業生產以及延伸出來的商業和服務業才是縣域經濟類型。

與東部已開發地區相比,中西部經濟體量有限,市場資源和機會有限,所以部分縣城精英依靠地方政府和社會關係的運作形成的資源壟斷現象就比較凸顯。

某種程度上,這種現象意味著縣城的經濟和社會運作自有一套地方性的規則,與現代意義上的公開透明的規則有一定的矛盾。

這種現象與婆羅門的種姓制度差異還是很大,也不是個體利己行為,而是由中西部縣的經濟發展程度和社會結構所決定。

例如在縣城裡,人們很容易結成熟人關係,人情往來比較密集,往往主要依靠熟人關係和人情互動來滿足獲取經濟利益和社會生活的需求。

在一些縣城精英的關係圈裡,有醫院院長、學校校長、政府領導等熟人關係,他們之間的人情來往和利益交換已經日常化了。 在經濟存量有限的縣城裡,菁英的優勢就再明顯不過了。


“公務員經濟”和“小鎮貴婦”

和「縣城婆羅門」相關的概念還有「公務員經濟」和「小鎮貴婦」。

「公務員經濟」一定程度上體現了中西部縣城經濟的特徵,實際上就是指中西部欠發達地區的縣城市場體量有限,缺乏支柱產業,依靠地方政府體制內人員擴張帶動縣域就業和經濟消費的 現象。

我們在研究中發現在缺乏支柱產業的中西部縣城,地方政府是最大的投資主體。 在最近幾年的縣域城鎮化建設中,地方政府就扮演了依賴轉移支付、借債、土地運作等方式進行縣城建設,並帶動縣城經濟「發展」的角色,而縣城內升級的商業和服務業也 主要靠體制內群體消費,直接拉高了縣市消費層次。

「小鎮貴婦」主要是指依靠縣城家庭財富和資源積累,回到縣城享受有房有車有穩定工作和家庭的高品質生活的女性群體。 這群人在大城市和縣市老家的選擇中,退出了大城市高壓的競賽跑道,回到家鄉縣城享受有錢有閒有品味的生活。

在不同地區,「小鎮貴婦」的指向有所區別。 已開發地區包括了企業家子女和體制內二代們,中西部地區的確主要來自縣城少數的上層家庭,不過經過縣城商業的升級和互聯網平台的影響,這種“小鎮貴婦”的生活消費 風氣某種程度上開始影響一些進城農民家庭的女性消費。

整體來說,這三個概念都是對縣域經濟和社會某一特徵的反映。

過去人們的視野聚焦在大城市,近年來隨著縣域城鎮化的發展和返鄉潮的興起,縣域經濟和社會的一些現象引發了人們的關注,從縣城走出的大城市白領、回到縣城 的二代們、進城的農民家庭們實際上在經濟機會來源、生活狀況以及心態上存在明顯的對比,這些在網路上流行起來的概念實際上反映了當前縣域經濟和社會轉型過程中一些比較 突出的矛盾現象。


縣城資源的壟斷

「縣城婆羅門」很難用好壞來評價,它是長期以來縣域經濟發展階段和社會運作規則下的客觀現象。

在歷史上,地方社會菁英階層的優勢地位也是明顯的,但地方社會秩序的維護往往也是依賴這些菁英。 只是從今天的時代背景下,縣城要發揮城鄉要素流通的紐帶作用,要實現以縣城為載體的新型城鎮化,推進城鄉融合發展,進城農民家庭也要在縣城內生活,享受公共服務。

這些目標的推進必然涉及對縣域經濟發揮的功能進行調整,關於縣城的資源壟斷現像一定程度上不利於縣域經濟發展、人才的返鄉流動以及進城農民家庭的融入。

例如從中西部的縣城來看,地方政府近年來雖然花費了較大成本,建立產業集聚區積極承接東部產業轉移,但這些少部分轉移過來的製造業對帶動縣域經濟發展和解決就業仍然是十分 有限的。

同時,商業和服務業領域的市場機會也很有限,在這些領域中,縣城的精英群體已經佔領了大部分傳統行業的位置,各種新興品牌下沉到縣城,門檻也相當高,對大部分 返鄉創業群體具有一定的排斥性。 返鄉創業族群基本上只能在低門檻同質化的新興產業內捲,例如奶茶店、網紅小吃、甜點店或網路產業。

這意味著,中西部縣城很難承擔起經濟發展、人才流動和階級躍升的功能,但作為城鄉經濟的紐帶、帶動鄉村振興,以及為進城農民群體提供低成本的公共服務才是當前階段縣城 需要優化的功能。

「縣城婆羅門」的出現,反映了長期以來縣城的資源體積和配置規則,無法適應目前對縣城的功能定位。 從客觀上來講,這種現象並不是導致縣城經濟利益分配不均的原因,而是一個結果的體現,縣城還需要長時間的過渡和轉型。 當然,地方政府調整公共資源投入的方向以及優化資訊公開和資源分配製度,有利於減少這類現象的發生,以及弱化這類現象的負面後果。


大城市白領及縣城二代

實際上,經過中國數十年的工業化和城市化發展,不同區域和城市層級之間已經在各個層面產生了巨大的差距,包括經濟發展、公共服務、文化價值等面向。 大城市白領和縣城二代們自然呈現出不一樣的生活狀態,大城市白領通常憑藉個人能力在發達的市場中心獲得了比較優質的市場機會,收入明顯高於小縣城,但競爭壓力大,生活 節奏快,通常沒有父代的支持也承擔不起在大城市買房的成本。

而有父代資源作為支持的縣城二代們,生活安逸穩定,壓力比較小,但縣城在職業發展、社會交往、休閒娛樂、公共服務等方面仍然存在著限制。 許多大城市白領雖然羨慕,也不會輕易選擇回到縣城,因為他們回到縣城反而沒有了優勢。 並且,他們長期適應了大城市的生活方式和社會交往規則,與小縣城熟人關係、人情交往的規範存在著一定的張力。 所以,有一些返鄉的大城市白領明顯表現出不適應。

這兩種生活狀態某種程度上代表了現代城市流動社會和傳統鄉土社會的不同邏輯,大城市代表著充分湧流的機會,但也要面臨高壓和競爭。 小縣城代表安逸穩定,但也意味著存在一定的封閉性。

目前,這種差異化的經濟水平和生活狀態,仍然會長期存在,我國經濟發展和社會分層逐漸進入低速階段,大多數年輕人雖然會羨慕和躺平,但也都結合職業規劃、家庭目標 和生活價值做出了最理性的選擇。

不得不說,今天年輕人相對公平的發展機會仍然在大城市,大城市和縣城服務的人群和目標存在很大差別,中西部的縣城還不能等同於城市。

在以縣城為載體的新型城鎮化目標中,中西部縣城必須要強化其統籌優化縣域公共服務的功能,提高縣鄉村公共服務的水平,保證公共資源的投入實現公共利益的最大化,避免公共資源 成為少數群體的私人利益。


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“County Brahmins”: The economic stock of counties in the central and western regions is limited, and the second-generation heirs have obvious advantages


Original Knowledge Vientiane 2024-05-01 14:08 Beijing

Core points:


1. "County Brahmins" is the public's labeling understanding of the groups that control special resources and interests in the county. In the relationship circle of some county elites, there are acquaintances such as hospital directors, school principals, government leaders, etc., and the interpersonal relationships between them The exchange of benefits has become routine. In counties with limited economic stock, the advantages of the elite are all the more obvious.

2. The emergence of “county Brahmins” reflects the long-term resource volume and allocation rules of the county, which cannot adapt to the current functional positioning of the county. Objectively speaking, this phenomenon is not the cause of the uneven distribution of economic benefits in the county, but a manifestation of the result. The county still needs a long period of transition and transformation.

3. Although many white-collar workers in big cities are envious, they will not easily choose to return to the county town, because they will have no advantage if they return to the county town. Moreover, they have long adapted to the lifestyle and social interaction rules of big cities, and have no relationship with acquaintances in small county towns. , there is a certain tension in the norms of human relations. Therefore, some white-collar workers from big cities who have returned to their hometowns are obviously not adaptable.



"County Brahmins" is a popular term on the Internet. It describes the existence of such a group in the county. They rely on family power to enter government agencies or state-owned monopoly industries, and have accumulated abundant resources, and these resources are passed on between generations.

Words related to "county Brahmins" include "civil servant economy" and "small town lady", both of which describe the county's economic life and social interaction.

Why are these words popular? What is the underlying reason behind it? Is it good or bad for the development of county society?

Luo Shan, a doctoral student at the School of Social Sciences at Wuhan University and a researcher at the China Rural Governance Research Center, has long been concerned about county economy and county development.

The following is Luo Shan’s account.


"County Brahmin"

The topic of "County Brahmins" is the public's labeling understanding of groups with special resources and interests in the county. It represents the social sentiment caused by some Internet phenomena in recent years.

From a public perspective, this group mainly refers to the group that actually monopolizes resources in the county and facilitates second-generation inheritance. The first includes the public group of doctors within the system, and the second includes banks, tobacco, and highways, which have a monopoly nature. industries, and the third includes leading businessman groups in other private industries in the county.

During our research in counties in the central and western parts of the country, we found that there are indeed some elites in the county who are more likely to possess advantageous resources in different fields in the county. Not only their own industry, but also advantageous resources in other fields can be obtained through the exchange of various relationships.


For example, the leading businessmen doing business in the county are native-born locals. Their various advantages have been continuously superimposed and strengthened in the long-term life in the county, forming a monopoly on the county's superior resources.

This type of businessman has been operating in the county for many years and has established a strong social network. Even government departments inevitably have relatives and acquaintances. Such leading businessmen usually have political participation status, and their market interests rely more on interactions with local governments and the operation of social relations. The resources and advantages in this industry can also be easily passed on to future generations.

However, through our research and observation, we found that in fact, whether they are within the county system or the business elite, their children do not all stay in the county to directly inherit their resources, nor do they necessarily choose the same industry as them. Some still obtain high academic qualifications and enter big cities to become professional elites.


For example, the son of a county party committee director is actually working in a major technology company in Shanghai, the daughter of a government cadre has entered an Internet company in Beijing, and most of the children of elites in other industries are in first- and second-tier cities.


County elite relationship circle

In my opinion, "County Brahmins" is a labeling and emotional expression that reflects the public's social sentiment towards this phenomenon, but behind it may be neglected the understanding of the economic nature and social operating characteristics of counties in the central and western regions. In fact, this phenomenon does exist, but its prevalence and severity have yet to be assessed.

After more than 40 years of reform and opening up, China's economic development has made remarkable achievements, but the development is uneven regionally. Most counties in the central and western regions are still agricultural counties with weak industrial foundations. Agricultural production and extended commerce and service industries are the type of county economy.

Compared with the developed regions in the east, the central and western regions have limited economies and limited market resources and opportunities. Therefore, the resource monopoly formed by some county elites relying on the operation of local government and social relations is more prominent.

To a certain extent, this phenomenon means that the county’s economic and social operations have their own set of local rules, which are in conflict with the modern sense of open and transparent rules.

This phenomenon is still very different from the Brahmin caste system. It is not an individual self-interested behavior, but is determined by the economic development level and social structure of counties in the central and western regions.

For example, in county towns, it is easy for people to form acquaintances and have intensive interpersonal relationships. They often mainly rely on acquaintances and human interactions to meet their needs for economic benefits and social life.

In the relationship circles of some county elites, there are acquaintances such as hospital directors, school principals, government leaders, etc. The exchanges of favors and interests between them have become routine. In counties with limited economic stock, the advantages of the elite are all the more obvious.


“Civil Service Economy” and “Small Town Lady”

Concepts related to "county Brahmin" include "civil servant economy" and "small town lady".

"Civil servant economy" embodies the characteristics of the county economy in the central and western regions to a certain extent. In fact, it refers to the limited market size of county cities in the underdeveloped regions of the central and western regions, the lack of pillar industries, and the reliance on the expansion of personnel within the local government system to drive county employment and economic consumption. Phenomenon.

In our research, we found that in the central and western counties that lack pillar industries, local governments are the largest investors. In the county urbanization construction in recent years, local governments have played the role of relying on transfer payments, borrowings, land operations, etc. to carry out county construction and drive the "development" of the county economy. The upgraded business and service industries in the county have also It mainly relies on group consumption within the system, which directly raises the consumption level of the county.

“Small town ladies” mainly refer to a group of women who rely on the accumulation of family wealth and resources in the county and return to the county to enjoy a high-quality life with houses, cars, stable jobs and families. With the choice between big cities and their hometowns in counties, this group has withdrawn from the high-pressure competition track in big cities and returned to their hometowns and counties to enjoy a life of wealth, leisure and quality.

In different regions, the direction of "small town lady" is different. Developed areas include the children of entrepreneurs and the second generation within the system. The central and western regions do mainly come from a small number of upper-class families in counties. However, through the upgrading of county businesses and the influence of the Internet platform, the life consumption of such "small town ladies" To a certain extent, the trend has begun to affect the consumption of women from rural households in cities.

Generally speaking, these three concepts all reflect certain characteristics of the county economy and society.

In the past, people's vision was focused on big cities. In recent years, with the development of county urbanization and the rise of returning hometowns, some economic and social phenomena in counties have attracted people's attention. White-collar workers from big cities who have left county towns have returned to county towns. There are actually obvious contrasts in the sources of economic opportunities, living conditions and mentality between the second generation of rural residents and the rural families who have moved to the city. These concepts that have become popular on the Internet actually reflect some comparisons in the current process of county economic and social transformation. Outstanding contradictions.


Monopoly of county resources

It is difficult to evaluate "county Brahmins" in terms of good or bad. It is an objective phenomenon that has long existed under the county's economic development stage and social operating rules.

Historically, the dominant position of local social elites is also obvious, but the maintenance of local social order often relies on these elites. However, in today's context, the county town must play a linking role in the circulation of urban and rural factors, realize new urbanization with the county town as the carrier, and promote the integrated development of urban and rural areas. Farmer families who move to the city must also live in the county town and enjoy public services.

The promotion of these goals will inevitably involve the adjustment of the functions of the county economy. The phenomenon of resource monopoly in the county is to a certain extent detrimental to the development of the county economy, the flow of talents back home, and the integration of farmers' families in the city.

For example, looking at counties in the central and western regions, although local governments have spent a lot of money in recent years to establish industrial clusters and actively undertake the transfer of industries from the east, these small parts of the transferred manufacturing industry are still very important for driving county economic development and solving employment problems. limited.

At the same time, market opportunities in the commercial and service industries are also very limited. In these fields, the elite groups in the county have occupied most of the positions in traditional industries. Various emerging brands have settled in the county, and the threshold is also quite high. For most There is a certain degree of exclusion among the return-to-hometown entrepreneurial groups. Entrepreneurial groups returning to their hometowns can basically only get involved in emerging industries with low thresholds and homogeneity, such as milk tea shops, Internet celebrity snacks, dessert shops or the Internet industry.

This means that it is difficult for counties in the central and western regions to assume the functions of economic development, talent flow and class advancement. However, serving as a link between urban and rural economies, promoting rural revitalization, and providing low-cost public services to rural farmers moving into cities are the key requirements for counties at the current stage. Functions that need to be optimized.

The emergence of “county Brahmins” reflects the long-term resource volume and allocation rules of the county, which cannot adapt to the current functional positioning of the county. Objectively speaking, this phenomenon is not the cause of the uneven distribution of economic benefits in the county, but a manifestation of the result. The county still needs a long period of transition and transformation. Of course, local governments adjusting the direction of public resource investment and optimizing information disclosure and resource allocation systems will help reduce the occurrence of such phenomena and weaken the negative consequences of such phenomena.


Big city white-collar workers and county town second generation

In fact, after decades of industrialization and urbanization in China, huge gaps have arisen between different regions and urban levels at all levels, including economic development, public services, cultural values, etc. White-collar workers in big cities and the second generation in counties naturally present different living conditions. White-collar workers in big cities usually obtain relatively high-quality market opportunities in developed market centers by virtue of their personal abilities, and their incomes are significantly higher than those in small counties. However, the pressure of competition is high, and their lives are The pace is fast, and often people cannot afford to buy a house in a big city without the support of their parents.

The second generation in the county, who are supported by their parents' resources, live a comfortable and stable life with less pressure. However, there are still restrictions in the county in terms of career development, social interaction, leisure and entertainment, and public services. Although many white-collar workers in big cities are envious, they will not easily choose to return to the county town, because they will have no advantage if they return to the county town. Moreover, they have long adapted to the lifestyle and social interaction rules of big cities, and there is a certain tension with the norms of acquaintance relationships and human relations in small counties. Therefore, some white-collar workers from big cities who have returned to their hometowns are obviously not adaptable.

To some extent, these two living conditions represent the different logics of modern urban mobile society and traditional rural society. Big cities represent full flow of opportunities, but they also face high pressure and competition. Small counties represent comfort and stability, but they also mean a certain degree of isolation.

At present, this kind of differentiated economic level and living conditions will still exist for a long time. my country's economic development and social stratification have gradually entered a low-speed stage. Although most young people will be envious and flat, they also combine career planning and family goals. and the value of life made the most rational choice.

It has to be said that relatively fair development opportunities for young people today are still in big cities. There are big differences in the groups and goals served by big cities and counties. County towns in the central and western regions are not yet equivalent to cities.

Among the new urbanization goals with counties as the carrier, counties in central and western regions must strengthen their functions of coordinating and optimizing county public services, improve the level of county and rural public services, ensure the investment of public resources to maximize public interests, and avoid public resources become the private interests of minorities.

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